作者：华戏侯来源：原创时间：2026-08-26 阅读：391897 次

鹿鼎记陈小春版

福州：三艘“船”绘就文旅新画卷_我的网站

刑事侦缉档案2

A | (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity. Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies. Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience. Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence. He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception. This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance. A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice. The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems. The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers. Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation. That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China. China's context, however, is fundamentally different. As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history. This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity. From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity. This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion. In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions. Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state. Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities. So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies. They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality. 。 AI摘要福州以“船”为支点，通过闽江电动游船、内河精品航线及船政沉浸式演艺，推动交旅融合。三种业态覆盖全时段需求，激活文旅消费，让历史可触摸、文化可体验，绘就文旅新画卷。在福州光明港河段，游客泛舟河上，观赏两岸风光。连日来，“活力中国调研行”走访福州，从闽江水道到马尾船政旧址，一路泛“舟”寻访。这座依水而起的城市，把“船”做成文旅发展的支点。千年闽都文脉融入一江碧波，转化为实实在在的消费活力。

B | 17日傍晚，福州苍霞码头，一艘线条流畅的白色游船缓缓驶离江岸，驶向闽江深处。

C | 这是福建首艘入级中国船级社的纯电动客船“茉莉号”。闽江日游“福气”主题航线的溯江之旅全程70分钟，途经江心岛、闽江公园南北园、金山大桥等标志性地点，沿途尽览福州滨江风光与百年历史文脉。作为福州母亲河，闽江串联起上下杭、烟台山、三江口等核心文旅地标，是承载闽都文脉的特色载体。围绕“交旅融合，水岸联动”发展思路，福州近年来打造“福水福船福气来”核心文旅品牌，布局对渡、日游、夜游三类特色航线。

D | “公司水上旅游去年接待量接近18万人次。目前，我们运营及计划投建的电动船共有7艘，未来还将持续交付新船，巩固增长势头。”福州文体产业开发运营有限公司总经理助理王鲁霖介绍。从闽江的壮阔转入内河的温婉，19日的“福舟悠游”以另一种节奏展开福州的水上生活美学。

E | 由温泉公园码头登船，游船缓缓驶入晋安河。6.8公里的航程内，游客不仅可以饱览晋安新八景的风光，还能欣赏沿途12座桥梁的彩绘景观。蔡襄治水、朱熹讲学、福州三宝、龙舟竞渡……闽都历史以壁画形式呈现于桥墩、桥底等亲水空间。漫步岸边，可见晨练的老人与散步的居民；望向远方，龙舟房与高楼大厦的建筑风格形成古今碰撞，两岸的烟火气与文化的精致感形成奇妙的时空对照。 “2022年起，我们开始打造‘福水福船’品牌。”福州市水务文化旅游有限公司副总经理王晓岚介绍，截至目前，已累计开通29条航线，通航里程75公里，投入游船310艘，重点打造西湖—白马河、晋安河、晋安湖及光明港—南公河口等4条精品航线。截至目前，福州市内河游累计接待游客超90万人次，累计带动消费超8000万元。如果说福舟悠游是闽江上的移动风景，那么位于马尾的中国船政文化城则变身为一座流动博物馆，让历史“活”在当代消费场景中。暑假期间，船政文化城里人头攒动，研学团讲解声此起彼伏。“我们针对不同年龄层不同需求，定制不同的游览线路。”福建船政文化管理委员会工作人员林俊杰说，中国船政文化城提出“大博物馆”理念，活用轮机车间、铁胁厂、绘事院等建筑开展导览，让历史成为可进入、可触摸的空间。船政博物馆展陈静态的“船”，实景演艺剧目《最忆船政》则让百年前的“船政风云”活起来。这部国内首部折叠渐进式多维体验剧，选址于20世纪70年代的造船厂机修车间。6800平方米的剧场空间内，观众随着剧情推进，在机械装置的牵引下逐步“折叠”空间，从船政学堂的琅琅书声，到甲午海战的炮火硝烟，再到新中国造船工业的崛起，用70分钟感受船政百年风云。 “在海战段落，座椅伴随炮火微微震颤，将士浴血抗争的画面就在眼前炸裂。”走出剧场，两位来自江苏的年轻游客意犹未尽，“最后一幕，剧场墙体轰然开启，闽江奔涌的实景直抵眼前。刚刚落幕的百年风云，与当下的大江大河遥遥相望，穿越感太强烈了。” 最忆船政艺术团团长周满琴介绍，剧场内部设置300多套机械设备，呈现50多种折叠翻转动作，与剧本、演员有机融合，自2023年12月公演以来，已演出1000余场。