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A | London, Oct 20 (UNI) A highly-anticipated free-trade agreement between India and Britain appears to have floundered at the last minute as Liz Truss’ government gets tough on immigration but observers say the “common threat perception” of China means both sides have a reason to cling on to the pact.
Questions have also swirled over the deal’s priority, given that Truss’ governing Conservative Party now seems intent on replacing her – just a month after she was elected party leader, the South China Morning Post reported.
An unprecedented 80 per cent of voters have a negative opinion of Truss, according to a latest poll by YouGov, making her the most unpopular leader in the UK’s recent political history.
The pact, hailed as “the biggest of them all” by former UK leader Boris Johnson earlier this year, was expected to be signed by the Hindu festival of Diwali that takes place this weekend, a deadline set by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and asserted repeatedly by both sides.
It had the potential to double trade between India and Britain, the world’s fifth and the sixth-largest economies, from the current $29 billion. British firms, especially car- and whiskey-makers, were set to gain access to a massive consumer market with notoriously high tariffs and tedious entry barriers, the BBC said.
For India, the deal was expected to draw higher investment flows, boost manufacturing and ease immigration rules for its citizens to the UK.
Then last week, British Trade Secretary Kemi Badenoch said the government was “no longer working to the Diwali deadline”, but added that the two sides “were close” to a deal and that they were “still working” on it.
Indian media reports have quoted sources from the agency confirming that the deal was unlikely any time soon. Speculation in New Delhi was rife that the deal might be signed only next year, the report said.
A Department for International Trade spokesperson told This Week in Asia that it “won’t sacrifice quality for speed and will only sign when we have a deal that meets both countries’ interests”, a sign that London was no longer keen to match pace with a deadline set by Modi.
Two recent events might have driven some of this change in the momentum.
Soon after taking over as Britain’s Home Secretary, Suella Braverman had “reservations” about a possible FTA with India and “having an open border migration policy with India”, since the “largest group of people who overstay are Indian migrants”.
Braverman also criticised a deal signed by the Johnson government with India on action against visa overstayers, saying it had “not necessarily worked very well”.
For many in New Delhi, this was a sign that the Truss administration was hardening its stance on immigration – an issue critical to India’s interests.
It had promoted easier, relaxed immigration rules for its citizens going to Britain on long-term visas as a key policy, partly as a way to shore up domestic support for the trade deal.
In addition, after violence broke out between Hindus and Muslims in England’s Leicester City last month, Braverman sought to connect it with “uncontrolled immigration” and its “failure” to integrate with local communities – a move viewed as another swipe at Indian immigrants.
Analysts say that for Britain and its former colony India, this is an instance of a clash between their domestic and global politics on two key counts – trade and immigration.
Kira Huju, a London School of Economics Fellow in International Relations, said the separation between domestic and global politics was getting “impossible to sustain”.
“India – as Britain’s most important former colony, now surpassing the UK in its economic might – brings out the subliminal anxiety that underlies the ‘Global Britain’ narrative,” Huju said.
“The increasing normalisation of anti-immigration sentiment inside the Conservative Party is crucial here, too. India will want a more generous visa regime, which an increasingly anti-immigration Conservative Party will be hard-pressed to make.”
Yet, analysts believe that even if the deal is delayed and political instability continues in the UK in the short-term, there still remain many binding factors for the two countries in the medium and long term, the BBC reported.
Shairee Malhotra, Europe Fellow at the New Delhi-based think tank Observer Research Foundation, says that a “common threat perception” of China was an aspect that would drive the two together.
“The Indo-Pacific region is a key area where both are concerned about China’s assertiveness,” she said.
“India is also seeking new defence partnerships for collaboration under its Make in India programme as well as technology transfers, and having the UK participate in its indigenous defence manufacturing industry would give this a huge boost,” she added.
UNI MR。
直播吧4月21日讯 F1沙特大奖赛结束争夺,迈凯伦车手皮亚斯特里收获冠军,红牛车手维斯塔潘排名第二,法拉利车手勒克莱尔排名第三。
赛后,F1官方总结了本站比赛的数据。其中包括,皮亚斯特里成为自韦伯后首位领跑车手积分榜的澳大利亚车手以及诺里斯本赛季首次无缘领奖台。
皮亚斯特里为迈凯伦赢得胜利,成为自马克·韦伯在2010年日本大奖赛后,首位在车手积分榜上领跑的澳大利亚车手。
皮亚斯特里在过去四场比赛后的车手积分榜排名依次是第四、第三、第二、第一。
皮亚斯特里是本赛季首位不是从杆位发车却赢得比赛的车手。
迈凯伦此前从未在沙特阿拉伯大奖赛登上领奖台。
迈凯伦今年已在F1、FE和F1 学院三个赛事中在吉达登上领奖台。
红牛车手维斯塔潘获得第二名,他在沙特从未低于第二名完赛。
红牛车队自2021年以后首次在沙特被击败。
勒克莱尔的第三名是法拉利2025赛季的首个大奖赛领奖台。
勒克莱尔已连续两年在沙特阿拉伯大奖赛中获得季军。
兰多-诺里斯以第四名完赛,这是他本赛季首次无缘领奖台。
不过,这也是诺里斯职业生涯在吉达的首次前六名完赛。
梅赛德斯的拉塞尔获得第五,他本赛季每场比赛都进入了前五。
他的队友安东内利排在第六,使得梅赛德斯在本赛季五场比赛中四次双车进入前六。

B |
汉密尔顿代表法拉利获得第七,法拉利在沙特大奖赛历史上从未有赛车完赛低于第八名。
塞恩斯获得第八,这是他加盟威廉姆斯以来的最高完赛名次。
阿尔本排在第九,使威廉姆斯本赛季第二次双车得分。
阿尔本在本赛季前五站中已有四站取得积分。这是他在沙特的首次得分。
威廉姆斯在车队积分榜中升至第五位。

C |
哈贾尔第十,这是红牛二队自2022年以来首次在吉达得分。
哈贾尔在最近三场比赛中第二次取得积分。
阿斯顿马丁的阿隆索获得第十一名,追平了他本赛季的最佳成绩。
红牛二队的利亚姆·劳森以第十二完赛,也追平了他在2025赛季的最佳成绩。
哈斯车手奥利弗·贝尔曼和埃斯特班·奥康分列第十三和第十四,这是哈斯自揭幕战澳大利亚大奖赛以来首次未能得分。

D |
因此,哈斯在车队积分榜上被威廉姆斯反超,降至第六位。
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Published on:06:28:40